以下是本站小編給大家整理的哈里 杜魯門就職演講，希望能幫到你!
哈里 杜魯門就職演講
Inaugural Address of Harry S. Truman
THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949
Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor which the American people have conferred upon me. I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.
In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.
Each period of our national history has had its special challenges. Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.
It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race. The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history. The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.
The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.
It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.
The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good. We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression. We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.
From this faith we will not be moved.
The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life. Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.
In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like- minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.
That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.
That false philosophy is communism.
Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.
Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.
Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state. It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.
Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.
Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.
Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.
Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.
Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.
These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.
I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.
Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.
We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.
We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations. We have consistently advocated and relied upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.
We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.
We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.
Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.
Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten back despair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.
The initiative is ours.
We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice. We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people. We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.
In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.
First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.
Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.
This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program. We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery. We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.
In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.
Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.
We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.
We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.
The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter. Each country participating in these arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.
If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur.
I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.
In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.
Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.
More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims of disease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.
For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.
The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques. The material resources which we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.
I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples the benefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help them realize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needing development.
Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.
We invite other countries to pool their technological resources in this undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. This should be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through the United Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable. It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, and freedom.
With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, and labor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrial activity in other nations and can raise substantially their standards of living.
Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled to benefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established. Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in the interest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into these developments.
The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place in our plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on the concepts of democratic fair-dealing.
All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from a constructive program for the better use of the world's human and natural resources. Experience shows that our commerce with other countries expands as they progress industrially and economically.
Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key to greater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modern scientific and technical knowledge.
Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselves can the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is the right of all people.
Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoples of the world into triumphant action, not only against their human oppressors, but also against their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery, and despair.
On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to help create the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom and happiness for all mankind.
If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it is clear that we must have continued prosperity in this country and we must keep ourselves strong.
Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.
We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.
We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and sincerity.
We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.
We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.
We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.
Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.
In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and more nations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate in growing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose us will abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of the world in a just settlement of international differences.
Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and new responsibilities. They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, and our concept of liberty.
But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.
Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.
To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and our firmness of resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will be assured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.
哈里 杜魯門的就職演講
星期四,1949年1月20日
我國歷史上的各個時期都面臨過特殊的挑戰。我們現在面臨的挑戰和過去面臨的任何挑戰一樣嚴重，今天不僅標誌着一屆新政府的起點，而且標誌着一個新時期的開始。對我們來説，對整個世界來説，這個時期特是個多事之秋，也許還將是決定性的歲月。也許命運註定我們要去體驗，或者在更大程度上是去促成人類漫長曆史中的一個重大轉折。本世紀上半葉的特點是，人權遭到史無前例的粗暴踐踏，並經歷了歷史上最可怕的兩場戰爭。我們這個時代最迫切的需要是學會和睦相處。
世界各國人民都懷着忐忑不安的心情面對着未來，他們既充滿希望又滿腹憂慮。在這疑慮的時刻，他們比以往任何時候更期待着合眾國的善意、力量以及明智的領導。
因此，我們審時度勢，利用這一時機向全世界宣佈指導我們生活的信念的基本原則，向所有的民族宜布我們的目標。
在今後幾年，我們的和平自由綱領將着重於四項主要的行動方針。
第一，我們將繼續堅定不移地支持聯合國及其有關機構，繼續尋求各種方法來加強這些機構的權威和增加這些機構的效率。今天，不少新的國家正在成立，正在民主原則的指引下向自治方向邁進，我們相信，聯合國將因這些新國家而得到加強。
第二，我們將繼續執行我們制定的世界經濟復興計劃。
這意味着我們必須首先全力支持歐洲復興計劃。對於世界復興中這一重大事業的成功，我們充滿了信心。我們相信，通過這項工作，我們的夥伴將再一次取得自給國家的地位。此外，我們還必須執行為減少世界貿易壁壘、增加世界貿易額而制定的計劃。經濟復興與和平本身都取決於世界貿易的增加。
第三，我們要加強熱愛自由的國家的力量，以抵禦侵略的威脅。
我們和許多國家一起，正在為增加北大西洋地區的安全面起草一項共同協議。這種協議將根據聯合國憲章的規定，採取集體防禦協定的形式。
我們已經根據里約熱內盧公約為西半球建立了這樣一個防禦同盟。
這些協議的主要目的是明確表示自由國家抵抗來自任何地方的武裝進攻的共同決心。參加這些協議的每個國家必須為共同防禦貢獻出全部力量。
如果我們能預先充分地表明，任何影響到我們國家安全的武裝進攻必將遭到強大的抵抗，那麼武裝進攻也許就永遠不會發生。
我希望關於北大西洋安全計劃的條約不久將呈送參議院。
此外，我們還將向在維護和平與安全時同我們進行合作的自由國家，提供軍事顧問和軍事裝備。
第四，我們必須着手擬定一項大膽的新計劃，使不發達地區的進步與發展能受益於我們的先進的科學和發達的工業。
全世界半數以上的人口正瀕臨悲慘的境地，他們食不果腹、疾患加身。他們的經濟生活原始落後，滯綴不振。無論對於他們自己還是對於比較繁榮的地區來説，他們的貧困既是一種阻礙又是一種威脅。
人類有史以來第一次掌握了能解除這些人苦難的知識和技術。
合眾國在工業和科學技術發展方面居各國之首。儘管我們用來援助其他國家人民的物質資源是有限的，但我們在技術知識方面的資源卻是無法估量的，是不斷增長和用之不竭的。
我認為，為了幫助各愛好和平民族實現他們對美好生活的願望，我們應該使他們受惠於我們豐富的技術知識。同時，我們還應該和其他國家合作，支持對急待開發的地區進行投資。
我們的目標應該是幫助世界上各個自由民族通過他們自己的努力，生產更多的食物，更多的衣物，更多的建築材料，以及更多的機器來減輕他們的負擔。
我們籲請其他國象彙集他們的技術力量以進行這項工作。我們熱烈歡迎他們作出貢獻。這應該是一種合作事業，所有國家通過聯合國及其專門機構在任何可行的方面為此共同工作。這必須是在世界範圍內為實現和平、繁榮和自由而作出的努力。
在我國企業、私人資本、農業和勞工等方面的協作下，這一計劃能夠極大促進其他國家的工業活動，從實質上提高他們的生活水平。
這種新的經濟發展必須加以規劃和控制，從而使被開發地區的人民有所得益。在保證投資者利益的同時，必須兼顧人民的利益，因為在這些經濟發展中傾注着人民的才智和勞動。
在我們的計劃中，剝削他國利潤的老牌帝國主義沒有立足之地。我們擬定的是一個以民主的公平交易的概念為基礎的發展規劃。
所有國家，包括我國在內，將極大地受益於為更合理地使用世界上的人力資源和自然資源而制定的一項建設性計劃。經驗證明，我們同其他國家的貿易將隨着這些國家在工業和經濟上的發展而擴大。
提高生產是繁榮與和平的關鍵，而提高生產的關鍵是更廣泛、更積極地運用現代科學技術知識。
人類大家庭只有通過幫助最不幸的成員自助，才能享受體面的、令人滿意的生活，而所有人鬱有權過上這樣的生活。
只有民主政治才能產生生機勃勃的力量，以激勵世界人民不僅為反抗人類的壓迫者，而且壓力反抗人類古老的敵人——飢餓、貧困、失望——而鬥爭。
根據這四項主要的行動方針，我們希望有助於創造各種條件，最終實現個人自由和全人類的幸福。